As at January 1st, 2019, there were 128,979 Moldovan citizens legally residing in Italy, and 66% of them were women. In the province of Padua (in north-eastern Italy), their prevalence is akin to the national one, with 63% of women out of a total of 9866 Moldovan migrants.<\/p>\n
In Moldova open civil war with Transnistria broke out in 1992 (Kolst\u00f8 and Malgin, 1998), and despite a ceasefire concluded in the same year, the territory has remained outside of Moldovan control since . In Georgia the early 1990s were characterized by rampant corruption, power struggles, energy outages, and lawlessness that undermined the rule of law and made state infrastructure unreliable (Wheatley, 2005; Kabachnik, 2012). Territorial conflicts over the regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia further undermined stability. Russia maintained military presence in both territories since the ceasefire agreements were brokered , and Russian backing of the government of the de facto independent South Ossetia contributed to tensions between Russia and Georgia. Periodic conflicts over the territories have undermined state consolidation efforts, most notably in 2008 when violence on the Georgian-South Ossetian border escalated into the \u201cAugust War\u201d between Georgia and the Russian Federation. In addition to further souring Georgian-Russian relations, the conflict resulted in the (short-term) internal displacement of an estimated 192,000 people and Russia\u2019s recognition of the independence of both South Ossetia and Abkhazia .<\/p>\n
Given lack of agreement between statistical sources on the scale of emigration flows, the nature and composition of migration flows rather than estimations of population flows will be discussed. Within the framework of the UN programme to strengthen the role of the Parliament in improving gender equality in the Republic of Moldova, UNDP, UNICEF, UNFPA and UN Women conducted an analysis of the needs for the development of the Women Caucus. A three-year action plan was developed based on the country\u2019s long-term development vision. The documents drawn up have been designed to help the deputies fulfill their mandate, with an impact on society. It was a priority for the ruling coalition, the Alliance for European Integration, and negotiations had begun in earnest. Presumably, closer ties with the EU would have come with regulations and statistics designed to enforce female equality.<\/p>\n
Some leaders called for a \u201cprotest in the name of our mothers and sisters\u201d, as mothers and sisters arrived in Chi\u0219in\u0103u themselves to make their voices heard. When members of the Dignity and Truth protest movement announced a new political party, it was described as \u201ca party of the sons of the nation\u201d.<\/p>\n
The largest single proportion of men resided in the Russian Federation at the time of the survey, with much smaller shares living in countries such as Turkey (13.8 percent) and Greece (7.9 percent). Female emigrants were slightly more dispersed, with the largest share residing in Greece and the next-largest share, 23 percent, residing in Turkey. Significant populations also resided in Italy and Russia, with smaller numbers split among other EU member states.<\/p>\n
Moreover, the Mission organizes training programmes for journalists from both banks of the Dniester\/Nistru River to promote fair and accurate reporting of the settlement process. The decision to migrate the last time also differed between men and women and by destination region. In both countries the largest single shares of emigrants of both sexes left because of an absence of a job in the home country. Among Moldovans, the second-largest share of migrants left because of the wage differentials between employment opportunities in the local and foreign labour market, reinforcing the strongly economic nature of Moldovan migration. In contrast, the second-largest shares of Georgian migrants emigrated for other reasons, such as fleeing conflict or seeking a \u201cbetter way\u201d of life abroad.<\/p>\n